Suchergebnisse

Since the 2015 nuclear accord with Iran (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or JCPOA) was concluded, the International Atomic Energy Agency which is tasked with verification of its implementation has been regularly reporting that Iran has been adhering to the deal since it took effect1. Corresponding abolition of some sanctions and increased European economic ties to Iran followed, and the EU and the E3 - the EU countries involved in negotiating the deal - lauded the agreement as stabilizing the region, strengthening the transatlantic relations, and shoring up the global non-proliferation regime. Still, the future of the agreement between Iran and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany is unclear and precarious. US President Trump in January 2018 set a 120-day deadline (12th May 2018) for US lawmakers and European allies to "fix" the deal, one of President Obama's main foreign policy achievements, otherwise the US would exit the agreement. ; N/A

The post-Arab Spring migration surge from and through the southern Mediterranean into the European Union has been accompanied by a rise in threat perceptions in the countries of destination. While viewing migration as a security issue is not new, migration is increasingly being referred to in one breath with terrorism and organised crime as a new security threat in the Euro-Mediterranean context. But is this an appropriate approach to the phenomenon of migration? Can migration be considered a security issue, in the same way that terrorism and organised crime are? What is the link between migration and terrorism and organised crime? The essay will argue that it is incorrect and misleading to use the term migration while considering security challenges, and will consider other terms that can help us to understand aspects of migration that may be useful in formulating the claim that in some cases migration can be considered a security issue, relevant for national security and/or human security. It then asks the question 'whose security' is relevant in such a debate – the security of states or humans? Furthermore, the essay will explore the link of migration to terrorism and organised crime. ; N/A

The popular uprisings, which the press collectively came to call the 'Arab Spring', an expression that is as appealing as it is plainly misleading, changed the political landscape in the southern Mediterranean, and in particular in Egypt and Tunisia. They brought together a variety of actors that pushed for significant socioeconomic and political change in their countries. Amongst these actors, civil society organizations and loose networks (including women's and youth networks), often made possible through new media technologies, have been particularly present and active. Indeed, while there are differences of their form and impact, it has been argued that they have been in the driving seat of these changes. ; N/A

Includes Bibliographical References of Part V (pp. 495-504) ; The events in North Africa and Middle East which started in early 2011 and which have been colloquially (although as some argue not entirely appropriately) named the 'Arab Spring', have focused the attention of analysts and policy-makers alike on the tools the international community has at its disposal to aid and support the democratisation processes underway in some of the countries, especially in Tunisia and Egypt, but also Morocco, and now Libya. While much of this attention has been on the United Nations (UN) and European Union (EU) and its programmes, other regional frameworks with experience in democratisation processes have also been considered. One evident organisation in this context is the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). ; peer-reviewed

AbstractThe article focuses on a possible assistance of the OSCE to North African countries in political transition following the events of the so called 'Arab Spring'. The OSCE has extensive experience in relevant realms. It also has a long-standing institutionalized dialogue and co-operation with a number of North African states.
The discussion within the Organization itself on what the OSCE could offer and with states such as Tunisia on their needs has began in January 2011, and is ongoing. The OSCE has also implemented first hands-on projects aimed at supporting the transitions processes in those countries, and linked to the on-going election processes there. But the OSCE Mediterranean dialogue suffers from the institutional context in which the Mediterranean Partners have the status akin to that of observers, and a certain lack of vision.

On 17th June 2011, in response to the Arab Spring events in neighbouring countries, King Mohamed VI of Morocco presented in a speech, reform proposals focusing on constitutional changes. Significantly, in his speech the King insisted that appointments in the military 'remain an exclusive, sovereign prerogative of the King, Supreme Commander and Chief-of-Staff of the Royal Armed Forces', while officials in charge of inter alia domestic security agencies will be appointed by him on a proposal of the Head of Government and at the initiative of the ministers concerned. Thus, Morocco's ruler, who has pursued domestic reforms in the past, and has been hailed for his response to the unrest, stopped short of establishing democratic control of the security sector. This lack of willingness to touch upon the role and powers of the security sector is symptomatic of the regimes of countries in North Africa, that have traditionally relied on the security sector, in particular the military, the police and secret and intelligence services, to shore up their authoritarian or semi-authoritarian rule, and that have focused on regime security rather than human security. ; N/A